Family unit Construction and Role

Karen J. Marcdante MD , in Nelson Essentials of Pediatrics , 2019

Single-Parent Families

At any one signal in time, approximately thirty% of children are living in single-parent families, and more than twoscore% of children are built-in to single mothers. In some instances, a child is born to a single mother by selection, but frequently the child is the result of an unplanned pregnancy. Children may also live in single-parent families as the result of divorce or the expiry of a parent (encounterAffiliate 26). Although most children in single-parent families are raised by mothers, single-father families are increasing; in 2009 nearly 5% of children lived in single-begetter families.

Single parents may accept limited financial resource and social supports. For unmarried-mother households, the median income is simply 40% of the income in ii-parent families, and for single-father households, it is merely 60% of the income of two parent families. Thus the frequency of children living in poverty is iii to 5 times higher in single-parent families. These parents must too rely to a greater extent on other adults for child care. Although these adults may exist sources of back up for the single parent, they also may criticize the parent, decreasing confidence in parenting skills. Fatigue associated with working and raising a child independently contributes to parenting difficulties. Single parents are likely to have less time for a social life or other activities, intensifying feelings of isolation and negatively impacting mental health. When the increased burdens of single parenting are associated with exhaustion, isolation, and low, the evolution of developmental and behavioral problems in the child is more likely.

In the case of a teenage mother in the role of unmarried parent, challenges associated with parenting may be even more than impactful (seeDepartment 12). Being a teenage parent is associated with lower educational attainment, lower paying jobs without much opportunity for autonomy or advancement, and lower self-esteem. Teenage mothers are even less likely than adult unmarried mothers to receive whatever back up from the child's father. Children of adolescent mothers are at high risk for cerebral delays, behavioral bug, and difficulties in school. Referral to early intervention services or Head Outset programs is imperative in these situations.

Yet, when a unmarried parent has adequate social supports, is able to interact well with other care providers, and has sufficient financial resource, he or she is likely to be successful in raising a child. Pediatricians can amend parental self-esteem through didactics about child evolution and behavior, validation of good parenting strategies, positive feedback for compliance, and demonstrating confidence in them every bit parents. Demonstrating empathy and acknowledging the difficulties faced by single parents tin can have a healing result or help a parent feel comfy to share concerns suggesting the need for a referral to other professionals.

VARIATIONS IN FAMILY COMPOSITION

Craig Garfield , in Developmental-Behavioral Pediatrics (4th Edition), 2009

Unmarried PARENT FAMILIES

The number of single parent families, headed by single mothers and single fathers, has been increasing. In 1970, there were 3 million unmarried parenting mothers and 393,000 single parenting fathers; in 2006, at that place are 10 1000000 unmarried parenting mothers and 2.3 1000000 unmarried parenting fathers (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2005). More than than lx% of U.S. children alive some of their life in a single parent household (Simmons and O'Connell, 2003).

Although these households share many of the same concerns as families in unlike compositions, such every bit the demand for quality daycare, some problems are unique to single parent families. Two parents unremarkably share responsibleness and monitoring of the child, and provide encouragement and discipline equally needed. When only one parent is consistently present, that parent must be the sole economic and parenting resources and must stretch to cover both domains. Often, a unmarried parent has less regular interaction and involvement in day-to-mean solar day activities of the child (Carlson and Corcoran, 2001). This situation may give children the opportunity to develop resiliency, to help in household chores out of necessity, and to become motivated to succeed (Tabular array 9-iv). These families may feel greater economic concerns regarding the ability to provide materially for children. Unmarried parent families are disproportionately poor; overall, 28% of families with children and a female head-of-household and no husband and 13% of families with children and a male head-of-household and no wife lived below the poverty level in 2005 (U.Due south. Bureau of the Census, 2002). Inquiry shows that children reared in single parent families do non fare likewise as children reared in 2 parent families, on average, regardless of race, education, or parental remarriage (McLanahan and Sandefur, 1994); they are more than likely to experience increased academic difficulties and higher levels of emotional, psychological, and behavior problems (Hanson et al, 1997; Previti and Amato, 2003).

Single parents may be "stretched thin" financially and emotionally, and this can have a direct and indirect impact on their children (run across Table 9-iv). Children in single parent families are more likely to experience accidents—suggesting lower levels of kid supervision—and to run into a physician, to receive medical handling for physical illnesses, and to be hospitalized than children from two parent families (O'Connor et al, 2000). Unmarried parents have higher levels of mental health problems, which could result partly from the stress of trying to rest the needs of employment, home responsibilities, child rearing, and interactions with the child's school with limited time, personal, and social support (Cairney, 2003). Children in single parent families besides are more than likely to live with adults unrelated to them. This situation tin can exist apropos because these children are 8 times more likely to die of maltreatment than children in households with two biologic parents (O'Connor et al, 2000).

Equally in all families, single parents can maximize the likelihood of success for their children by establishing a quality home surroundings (see Table 9-four). Although this situation may exist especially challenging for single parents, children benefit from an organized household with clear rules and expectations, appropriate consequences for misbehavior, and emotional nurturance from the parent. It is important to support single parents attempting to institute successful households.

The external customs can play a major role in the health and evolution of children in single parent families. On the one manus, violence in the community can adversely affect the kid's opportunities for growth and development, and dampen interactions outside the home for fear of injury. On the other hand, many community organizations and school-based prevention programs that are culturally relevant and focus on assisting adults in their parenting and children in their development are frequently available. For school-age children, involvement in structured activities available in the community, such as mentoring programs, after-school programs, and youth sport leagues, tin help optimize healthy child evolution. This involvement may be especially important for children in single parent families.

Compared with most other family unit structures (i.e., two parent families and grandparent-headed households), children living in a single parent family are most at risk for school difficulties, beliefs bug, poverty, maltreatment, and a host of other negative influences to their wellness and well-beingness. Pediatricians, every bit advocates for children in well-nigh need of quality wellness care, can use this knowledge to provide children from unmarried parent families with an increased quality of intendance and referrals to other supports and local services. A referral to a social worker may help connect a kid with youth programs in the community such as Big Blood brother/Large Sis, able-bodied teams, after-school programs, and Male child/Girl Scouts, which tin provide opportunities for positive social evolution.

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Positive Parenting and Back up

Robert Chiliad. Kliegman MD , in Nelson Textbook of Pediatrics , 2020

The Role of the Family

Parenting occurs in the context of a family unit unit, and there is significant diverseness among families. Family makeup has changed greatly over the final several decades in the United states, with increases in cultural, ethnic, and spiritual diversity and in single-parent families. In 2014, based on U.S. Demography Bureau data, 26% of children lived in unmarried-parent families, and 62% lived in households with two married parents. These patterns differ when race and ethnicity are considered; the majority of children in white and Asian American families live in households with married parents, whereas just 31% of black children practise, with virtually half (57%) living in unmarried-parent households. Although children tin thrive in all types of family environments, information suggest that, on average, children living in single-parent families fare less well than their counterparts. Children in unmarried-parent households are 3 times more likely to exist living beneath the poverty line than those in families with 2 married parents. Mothers are the master breadwinner in 40% of families, an increase from 10% in 1960, nevertheless families led past unmarried mothers tend to fare worse than those led by unmarried fathers.

Families are also changing how they spend time together. Media use for both parents and children has increased dramatically with the advent of tablets and smartphones. Over the final several decades, as women take entered the workforce, increasing numbers of children participate in childcare, and in subsequently-school activities. Racial, ethnic, and economical disparities are establish in those participating in these activities as well. More children from economically advantaged families participate in extracurricular activities; low-income and black families worry more than about the availability of high-quality programming for their children.

The U.Southward. Census Bureau projects that past 2040 the majority of the U.S. population volition consist of minorities, with steady increases in strange-built-in populations and individuals reporting two or more ethnicities. This diversity will impact family composition, besides equally family values and approaches to parenting.Culture refers to a pattern of social norms, values, linguistic communication, and behavior shared by a grouping of individuals, and parents are thus affected by their civilisation. Parenting approaches to self-regulation vary beyond cultures with respect to promoting attention, compliance, delayed gratification, executive part, and effortful command.

Gender, Aging, and Social Policy

Madonna Harrington Meyer , Wendy Thousand. Parker , in Handbook of Crumbling and the Social Sciences (7th Edition), 2011

Gender and Marital Status

The US has experienced a retreat from union and a dramatic rising in single-parent families. Between 1960 and 2005, the per centum of women married dropped from 67% to 54%, the percentage of women divorced rose from iii% to xi%, and the percentage of families headed by unmarried mothers rose from eight% to 23% (US Census Agency, 2008). During the same time period the percentage of married-couple households declined from 69% to 53% (Spraggins, 2005). These trends vary significantly by race and ethnicity. In 2005 over half of white and Hispanic women were married, just only about i-tertiary of black women were married (U.s. Demography Bureau, 2008). In 2006, 39% of all US births were to unmarried women. Notably, 51% of Latino and 72% of black babies were born to unmarried mothers (Hamilton et al., 2009; United states of america Census Bureau, 2008).

The rise in single parenting is particularly problematic for women across the life grade. In 2005, fourscore% of single parents were women (US Census Agency, 2008). Single parenting is linked to poverty in part because many children accept trivial contact with their non-custodial fathers, and many mothers receive piddling child support (Carlson, 2006; Sorensen & Zibman, 2000). About ane-quarter of single mothers are not receiving kid support payments to which they are legally entitled, and another one-3rd are not receiving the total award (Sorensen & Colina, 2004; Sorensen & Zibman, 2000). Amidst families with a child under age 18, 7% of all married couples, compared to 36% of female-headed households, are poor (US Census Bureau, 2006). The economics of single parenting are especially difficult for blackness and Hispanic mothers; 45% of Hispanic and 42% of black single mothers live in poverty (US Census Bureau, 2006). Many of these single mothers will accomplish old age with incomes at or near the federal poverty line.

At all ages, women are less likely than men to be married, and the gender gap in marital rates grows with historic period in function considering women outlast men by an average of five years. As Figure 23.1 shows, amid those anile 65 and older, 72% of the men and only 42% of the women are married (US Census Agency, 2008). Among those aged 85 and older, 54% of the men and only xiv% of the women are married. There is a strong link between being unmarried and poverty in old age. Older people who alive alone exercise not enjoy the economies of scale afforded to those who live together. Indeed, amid those aged 65 and older, married couples have poverty rates of 5 pct (He et al., 2005). But, equally Figure 23.2 shows, single black and Hispanic women have poverty rates of xl%. Because they are more than likely to live longer, and to live alone, the next section shows that women are more likely than older men both to need a caregiver and to be a caregiver (National Alliance for Caregiving and AARP, 2009).

Effigy 23.1. Per centum in each marital category past gender and age, 2008.

 Source: U.s.a. Demography Bureau (2008).

Effigy 23.2. Per centum aged 65 and older, below poverty line, by gender, race, and living arrangements, 2003.

 Source: U.s. Census Bureau (2006).

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Overview of Pediatrics

Robert M. Kliegman MD , in Nelson Textbook of Pediatrics , 2020

The New Morbidities

Given the advances in public health aimed at decreasing morbidity and mortality in infectious diseases (immunization, hygiene, antibiotics), forth with the rise of technologic advances in clinical intendance, attending was given to thenew morbidities—behavioral, developmental, and psychosocial atmospheric condition and problems shown to be increasingly associated with suboptimal health outcomes and quality of life. The American University of Pediatrics (AAP)Committee on Psychosocial Aspects of Child and Family Health asserted that the prevention, early on detection, and direction of these types of kid health problems should be a cardinal focus of the field of pediatrics, and that it would require an expansion in the knowledge base regarding (one) physical and environmental factors affecting beliefs, (2) normal child behavior and development, (3) health behaviors as they pertain to child health, and (4) balmy, moderate, and astringent behavioral and developmental disorders. Accomplishing this would require reconceptualizing professional training, improving clinical communication and interviewing skills, expanding mental health resources for children, and shifting fourth dimension allocation during kid health supervision visits to address these concerns. In 2001 the Commission revisited this issue and reemphasized the need to accost environmental and social aspects in improver to developmental and behavioral issues (Table 1.4). These included violence, firearms, substance employ, and school problems, likewise as poverty, homelessness, unmarried-parent families, divorce, media, and childcare. Although this expanding list seems daunting and beyond the scope of what pediatricians typically addressed (i.e., physical health and evolution), many of these behavioral, environmental, and psychosocial issues (which fall under the category of social determinants of wellness) account for a large proportion of variance in health outcomes in children and youth. The role of pediatrics and the boundaries of clinical practice needed to change in club to accost these salient contributors to child health and well-being. Newer models of clinical intendance that rely on close collaboration and coordination with other professionals committed to kid welfare (e.m., social workers, psychologists, mental health providers, educators) were developed. As this model expanded, so did the role of the family, in particular the child'due south caregiver, from a passive recipient of professional services to a more than equitable and inclusive partner in identifying the bug that needed to be addressed, also as helping decide which therapeutic options had the "best fit" with the kid, the family unit, and the condition.

The framing of salient child health issues under the "new morbidity" concept acknowledges that the determinants of wellness are heterogeneous but interconnected. Biology, genetics, healthcare, behaviors, social conditions, and environmental influences should not be viewed as mutually exclusive determinants; they exert their influences through circuitous interactions on multiple levels. For example, epigenetic changes that outcome from specific social and environmental conditions illustrate the influence of context on gene expression.

Older Adults with Mental Retardation and Their Families

Tamar Heller , in International Review of Inquiry in Mental Retardation, 1997

C Changing Structure of the Family unit

Demographic trends affecting the family include an increase in primarily female-headed, single-parent families compared to the past generation (Masnick & Blight, 1980). Contributing factors are the loftier rates of divorce and the higher life expectancy of women versus their husbands (Rossi, 1987). Hence, persons with retardation are less probable to live in two-parent households than in the by. Furthermore, the previous word of life expectancy noted that persons with mental retardation and their families are likely to live longer. Considering many persons with mental retardation (especially those with mild mental retardation) have a life expectancy similar to that of the general population, it is increasingly mutual for them to outlive their parents. It also increases the likelihood that parents of a person with mental retardation also will exist caring for their ain parents who in plough are living longer.

A more than recent trend is the prevalence in the general population of coresidence of developed children with their aging parents (Seltzer & Krauss, 1994). In 1980, at least one child coresided with 35% of 55-yr-old married (or previously married) mothers and 18% of 65-twelvemonth-erstwhile mothers (Sweetness & Bumpass, 1987). Data from the 1988 National Survey of Families and Households indicated that 45% of parents between the ages of 45 and 54 who had an adult kid coresided with at least ane of their adult children (Aquilino, 1990).

These demographic trends have resulted in the following impact for families caring for an developed relative with mental retardation: (a) the period of family responsibleness for that relative is at present longer and the likelihood that the relative will outlast his or her parents is greater; (b) siblings and other extended family members are more likely to inherit caregiving roles; and (c) there are fewer potential family caregivers and more than potential intendance recipients, as a mother of an developed with mental retardation also is more probable to be caring for her own parents and to take fewer siblings with whom to share the task (Seltzer & Krauss, 1994). Demands and stress for unmarried-parent and dual-career households may further decrease the ability of families to continue lifelong caregiving.

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Abuse, Neglect, and Maltreatment of Infants☆

Barbara Fallon , ... N. Joh-Carnella , in Encyclopedia of Infant and Early on Childhood Evolution (2d Edition), 2020

Household and Caregiver Factors

•

Family structure. Estimates suggest that 39% of maltreated children live in single-parent families. Over ane-3rd of cases involve children living with both biological parents. Approximately 16% of maltreated children live in blended families with a pace-parent every bit caregiver. In cases of sexual abuse, the absence of a biological parent in the household or the presence of a stepfather is a detail take a chance indicator, whereas unmarried-parent status is a risk indicator for physical abuse and fail.

•

Age of primary caregiver. Overall, both male (83%) and female (64%) caregivers who maltreat children tend to exist over xxx years of age. Emotional maltreatment is most frequently reported as the primary maltreatment category for main caregivers less than 16 years of historic period. As the chief caregiver's age increases, physical corruption and neglect become ofttimes indicated forms of maltreatment.

•

Gender of perpetrator. Men are overwhelmingly more often the perpetrators in the sexual abuse of both girls and boys (95% and 80% of the fourth dimension, respectively). Children are twice as likely to exist neglected by women than by men, reflecting the fact that women are more than oftentimes primary caregivers of immature children.

•

Number of siblings in the household. In ∼65% of cases the maltreated kid has at least one other sibling who is living in the household and is also investigated for allegations of kid maltreatment.

•

Socioeconomic status. The primary income in families where in that location is kid maltreatment is from full-time employment in the majority of cases (51%); 33% of the fourth dimension, income is from benefits and/or social help, and 10% of the fourth dimension from office-time or seasonal work.

•

Housing. The bulk of children who are maltreated live in rental accommodations (55%), while 31% live in purchased homes, and two% live in hotels or shelters.

•

Mental disease. American information demonstrate that of caregivers convicted of criminal offenses pertaining to child maltreatment, more than 50% had received psychiatric treatment, and almost one-tertiary has been admitted to hospital for psychiatric handling. Of these mothers, 42% were suffering from either major depression or schizophrenia. Some other study estimated that 27% of female caregivers and 18% of male caregivers were identified equally having a mental health damage.

•

Substance abuse. Approximately 21% of primary caregivers have either confirmed or suspected alcohol abuse in cases of substantiated child maltreatment. Retrospective information prove that rates of physical and sexual corruption are doubled in cases where caregivers are also reported to take a history of alcohol corruption, with rates markedly increased when both caregivers are substance abusers.

•

Caregiver history of maltreatment equally a kid. In that location is controversy and conflicting research evidence as to whether a childhood history of maltreatment in the caregiver increases the risk for calumniating or neglectful beliefs as a caregiver. In retrospective studies documenting a link betwixt a history of childhood abuse or neglect and abuse or fail of i's children, the link is weak. For instance, one study indicated that 25% of abusive female caregivers and 18% of abusive male person caregivers were maltreated as children; these rates were higher in cases of child neglect and emotional maltreatment. In general, ∼20% of caregivers who were abused as children continue to corruption their own children, whereas 75% of perpetrators of child sexual abuse report have been sexually abused equally children.

•

Prior history of criminality. Men who injure their children more commonly have a history of prior misdeed and hating personality traits. I study estimated that sixteen% were involved in criminal activeness. Women in these partnerships often have a psychiatric history, and may be incapable of providing protection to the child.

•

Domestic violence. Approximately 46% of chief caregivers of maltreated children have themselves been victims of domestic violence, including physical, sexual, or exact assault, in the 6 months prior to the kid maltreatment.

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'Inner Metropolis,' The: Cultural Concerns

W.J. Wilson , ... J.M. Quane , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001

5 The Inner-city Family unit: A Mediating Variable

Since 1970, marriage rates have been declining nationally and more than children are being raised in single-parent families. Nowhere are these trends more than prevalent than in the inner-city, where mother-only households are the norm in many neighborhoods. This state of affairs has generated much public debate and, while public attending has focused on the marital disincentives of welfare policy, research has shown that a major reason for the collapse of 2-parent inner-city families is the growing economic marginality of inner-metropolis males (Wilson 1987, 1996). As male person employment prospects receded, so did the economic benefits of marriage. The general weakening of social sanctions against out-of-wedlock childbearing in the larger society and peculiarly in the inner-metropolis ghetto further helped to undermine the foundation for stable relationships.

The loftier rates of unmarried parenthood are especially troubling because of their association with persistent poverty, welfare receipt, and deleterious furnishings on children. Children in mother-merely households are themselves more probable to be schoolhouse dropouts, to have lower earnings, and to depend on welfare as adults (Krein and Beller 1988, McLanahan and Garfinkel 1989). Moreover, growing upwardly in communities where prospects for steady employment and stable marriages are perceived as remote, immature inner-city adults are more likely to engage in behavior that further jeopardizes their chances for social and economic mobility.

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Poverty and Gender in Flush Nations

S.Due south. McLanahan , Thousand.J. Carlson , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001

iii.iii Government Policy

All individuals and families receive income from two chief sources—the market and the state—in addition to any private transfers they may receive. Government policy has a significant effect on women's economic well-being because it can either obviate or intensify the inequalities that outcome from the functioning of the market economy. Among single individuals living without children, government policy has little impact on women's poverty considering men and women are largely treated the same. Although there may exist some differences between elderly men and women in how pensions are allocated in various countries, differences in authorities policies primarily affect the economic condition of single mothers and their children.

Welfare states vary dramatically in the extent to which they 'socialize' the costs of children. Feminist scholars have noted that many members of society do good from children being brought upward well (Folbre 1994a, 1994b), and nonetheless market mechanisms fail to equitably apportion costs for this 'public good' (Christopher et al. 2001). In countries where more of the costs of childrearing are borne by governments instead of parents, women's poverty rates tend to be lower. In full general, single mothers tend to do good if a greater proportion of welfare help is universal rather than means-tested, because they are not faced with high marginal revenue enhancement rates on their earnings that outcome from decreased welfare benefits. The overall level of income assistance provided to single mothers varies notably beyond industrialized nations; mean transfers for single mothers every bit a pct of median equivalent income range from 22 percent in the USA to 71 percent in Holland (unpublished tabulations of Luxembourg Income Study data by Timothy Smeeding and Lee Rainwater).

Numerous scholars have developed typologies that classify welfare states forth detail dimensions. Probably the best known is by Esping-Anderson (1990) which classifies welfare states into three categories co-ordinate to decommodification (the ability of individuals to subsist autonomously from labor and capital markets) and stratification (differences between classes).

(a)

Social autonomous states, typified by the Scandinavian countries, promote gender equality and provide the most generous back up to single-parent families. These nations emphasize full employment, and work and welfare are intricately intertwined, with some part-time public jobs provided for mothers. Many benefits and allowances are universal, supplemented by specific programs targeted to needy families. Women'southward employment is encouraged by the provision of high-quality childcare services and extensive parental exit. Also, the authorities guarantees that support is provided to children who practice not live with both parents. Considering of these policies, mothers are able to combine work and parental responsibilities and to 'package' income from both market and government sources.

(b)

Conservative-corporatist nations also have generous transfer systems, but they are more traditional with respect to family values and expectations (largely due to the pregnant influence of the Church). Benefits are mostly targeted toward families (rather than individuals), and inequalities across families and households may be sustained. An important component of welfare policy is social insurance, which is linked to labor strength participation and may differ by occupation. Austria, France, Deutschland, and Italy are representative bourgeois-corporatist states.

(c)

In the liberal welfare states (notably the Anglo countries), assistance is primarily means-tested with small-scale universal transfers, primarily paid to the elderly or disabled. Emphasis is on the market and individuals' labor force action as the primary means for resource allocation. Benefit levels are typically meager when compared to average wage levels, and recipients are oftentimes stigmatized by nonrecipients. Supports for working mothers, including public childcare, are limited, with little or no paid parental get out. Parents who live away from their children are expected to pay kid support, although the authorities does non provide any aid for children of noncustodial parents who fail to pay. Because welfare benefits are income-tested, women have a difficult time combining piece of work and welfare in guild to escape the 'poverty trap.'

These variations in welfare state policy lead to dramatic differences in the economical status of women and children. Tabular array 4 presents poverty rates for children living in single-mother families both before and afterward government taxes and transfers are included in income (while childcare and other not-cash benefits are not included). The table shows that, with several exceptions, the percentage decline in the poverty rates roughly clusters according to the three categories of nations in Esping-Anderson's typology. Authorities revenue enhancement and transfer policies reduce the poverty rates in each of the four social autonomous nations shown in the table (Denmark, Republic of finland, Kingdom of norway, and Sweden) by 68 percent or more. In the corporatist nations, poverty reductions autumn in the heart of the spectrum with a 60 percent refuse in France and a 56 pct decline in Italian republic. Germany is an important exception, with its regime policies reducing poverty for children in unmarried-mother families by fully 90 percent. The lowest reductions in poverty rates are noted in the liberal states, such every bit 26 percent for Canada, 23 pct for Commonwealth of australia, and xv percent for the USA. The Uk represents another exception because its policies reduce poverty past 76 percent—a much greater reject than in the other liberal states.

Table 4. Poverty rates for children in single-mother families a before and subsequently government programs b

Source: Rainwater and Smeeding 1995.

Country (twelvemonth) Pretransfer poverty rate Post-transfer, mail service-taxation poverty rate Percent pass up
Australia (1989) 73.2 56.2 23.2
Kingdom of belgium (1992) fifty.7 10.0 lxxx.three
Canada (1991) 68.2 fifty.2 26.4
Kingdom of denmark (1992) 45.0 7.iii 83.8
Finland (1991) 36.3 vii.5 79.3
French republic (1984) 56.4 22.6 59.ix
Germany (1989) 43.ix 4.2 90.iv
Republic of ireland (1987) 72.6 forty.five 44.ii
Italian republic (1991) 31.seven 13.nine 56.2
Luxembourg (1985) 55.7 x.0 82.0
Netherlands (1991) 79.seven 39.five 50.four
Norway (1991) 57.4 18.4 67.9
Sweden (1992) 54.ix 5.ii xc.5
Switzerland (1982) 33.vii 25.6 24.0
United Kingdom (1986) 76.2 xviii.seven 75.5
U.s. (1991) 69.ix 59.five xiv.9
a
Single-mother families are families where one female person adult resides in the household; cohabiting-parent families are not included here. Poverty is divers as 50 percentage of a country'southward median adjusted income.
b
Government programs include income and payroll taxes and all types of government cash and near-greenbacks transfers. Child care and other non-greenbacks benefits are not included; this is particularly important for countries such as France which provide generous child intendance subsidies that are not reflected in these calculations.

Some feminist scholars have criticized Esping-Anderson's framework because it emphasizes workers' dependence on employers while ignoring women's dependence on men. Orloff (1993) argues, for instance, that welfare regimes should be judged past the extent to which they let women to found contained households. In contrast, other feminist scholars take raised questions most women's dependence on the welfare state (Gordon 1990, 1994) and gender biases in the welfare country (Nelson 1990).

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Criminology: Psychopathological Aspects

J.E. Arboleda-Flórez , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001

5.3 Genetics and Heredity

A familiar component has been described relating antisocial beliefs, criminality, and violence, which in turn are related to paternal violence, poverty, unmarried parent families, and rough neighborhoods. These interfamily variation factors, as known in genetic epidemiology, alter from family unit to family only remain constant every bit a load in ane single family. It is not possible, yet, to differentiate within members of a family the quantities that could exist attributed to the genetic load (genotype) from that attributed to the environment and that result on a detail form of behavior (phenotype). Link and association studies demonstrate that some genetic disorders such every bit alcoholism, Gilles de la Tourette syndrome, and the fragile-Ten syndrome could exist related to antisocial behavior and violence (Carey 1994). Furthermore, adoption studies of twins indicate that there exists a genetic relation between antisocial personality and alcoholism (Cadoret et al. 1986).

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